Hamburg : Christians. Bajohr, F, Wildt, M Volksgemeinschaft. Neue Forschungen zur Gesellschaft des Nationalsozialismus. Frankfurt a. Eine systematisierende Analyse gesellschaftlicher und politischer Bedingungen sowie deren biographischer Bedeutung. Benecke, J Die Hitler-Jugend bis Programmatik, Alltag, Erinnerungen. Eine Dokumentation. Weinheim : BeltzJuventa. Zur Systematisierung sozialer Differenz in der nationalsozialistischen Jugendorganisation.
Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft. Benz, W a Prolog. Der 30 Januar Die deutschen Juden und der Beginn der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft. Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft. Beck , pp. In: Benz ed Die Juden in Deutschland — Bad Heilbrunn : Klinkhardt. Jahrbuch des Archivs der deutschen Jugendbewegung 18 — : 13 — Hitlerjugend und nationalsozialistische Jugendpolitik, Ed II.
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Eine verfassungsrechtliche Studie. Berlin : Deutscher Rechtsverlag. Die deutsche Kriegsgesellschaft bis Dachauer Hefte 9 S : — Die Jahre der Verfolgung — Fuchs H, W Lexikon der Soziologie. Opladen : Westdeutscher Verlag.
Gay, P Meine deutsche Frage. Jugend in Berlin — Geulen, C Geschichte des Rassismus.
Giordano, R Erinnerungen eines Davongekommenen. Die Autobiographie. Die nationalsozialistische Rassen- und Erziehungspolitik in Polen — Hamburg : Hamburger Edition. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article.
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Event occurs at Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen. Retrieved 5 December Das Bundesarchiv. Retrieved 7 December West Deutsche Rundfunk in German. Retrieved 10 December Gilman 10 July German historians had focused their interest elsewhere, and German law historians concentrated primarily on the history of civil law. There were, of course, some dissertations submitted in law faculties that dealt with German criminal justice history, but in general the history of law meant civil law. Significantly, the history of law chairs within German universities were, almost exclusively, concerned with the domain of civil law.
Both authors, and above all Blasius, attempted a synthesis by covering an extensive range of issues, such as criminality, criminal law, the police, the courts, and the prisons. They both conceptualized their research by using concepts developed and employed by English and American historians. This meant primarily that their work was guided by conflict theories of crime and criminal justice and by the concepts of social criminality and social banditry, developed and elaborated by Eric Hobsbawm, Edward Thompson and others.
As an alternative, banditry was conceived as a separate but compliant subculture 6. Many other European societies shared this experience. Blasius saw wood theft as an indicator of subsistence-criminality and as a form of resistance, exercised by the poor to defend the traditional rural economic and social system. The example of the Hamburg docks underlined the growing stratification of the working class and the efforts of working-class organizations to enforce non-criminal orderliness in the docks.
It turned out that that high levels of union membership among dock workers correlated with low levels of criminality 7. Historiography in Germany abandoned its early focus on the social history of crime and replaced it with an approach that, broadly speaking, focused on the cultural meanings of crime 8. One of the first studies of this kind, published in , analyzed crime and society in an early modern Cologne The book series which headlines this approach, containing not only publications on crime and criminal justice but also on the more general concept of deviance, runs under the title Konflikte und Kultur.
Historische Perspektiven Conflicts and Culture. Historical Perspectives ; the first volume appeared in In the introduction to the series, the editors explicitly stated their intention to be connecting the social history aspects of crime with cultural understandings of crime. To this end records from local and regional courts have been used to reconstruct the meanings that contemporary individuals attached to situations, interactions with other individuals, structures and penal norms.
The idea is that the reconstruction of court proceedings via court records allows for the reconstruction of social relations and the meanings attached to these social relations. This constructivism is a feature which connects a number of early modern crime history studies, such as work on infanticide, on sexual offenses and property crime, but research also on violations of honor The significant selectivity in the application of sanctions has been understood as another indicator for understanding crime and criminal justice as social processes.
The German historiography of crime and criminal justice now provides two interpretations for explaining the variations in inflicting sanctions on delinquents. The other line stresses the character of penal processes as exchange processes. A further perspective has been added which emphasizes the use of the courts for conflict resolution by two opposing sides in a dispute. Additionally, there has been a growing interest on the history of crime policy Kriminalpolitik 17 , on the history of criminology 18 and on the development of criminalistic techniques Included in its model of good government were the control of, and the application of sanctions against those who opposed the intentions of the authorities.
It held a position similar to that of Radbruch and Gwinner on the history of German crime and criminal justice. Drawing on the hundreds of ordinances, pamphlets, articles and books which circulated in the German states from the late seventeenth century, Maier suggested three main conclusions. First, he interpreted police as directly related to those concepts of authority which had been developed in the neo-Aristotelian thinking about the state since the high and later Middle Ages. Secondly, he emphasized a paradoxical shift by which the number and intensity of police regulations circulated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries served to restrict claims of absolute power.
Thirdly, and as a consequence, he suggested that the intensification of policing was not so a means to expand state power and monarchical domination but rather, and unwittingly, a means to curb it. As a consequence he did not take into account the various strands and sectors of disciplinary activities. In recent years, however, research into a tremendous body of archival documentation has successfully filled the gap and has documented the extent to which, similar to early modern and Ancien Regime penal policies proper, Policey was not only a repressive control instrument, but also a pragmatic device for finding flexible answers to contemporary problems These processes include power arrangements and the exercise of power as well as exchange processes between the prison administration and the prison guards on the one side and the inmates on the other.
These exchange processes do not occur between members of the prison administration and the inmates alone but also, as Bretschneider observes, between the inmates themselves. These reconstructions were all the more urgently needed, given that German prison history shared the late start that is characteristic of German crime and criminal justice history. The studies which have appeared recently cover a wide range of topics, such as the history of single prisons, the history of attempts to reform the prison and to improve the situation of the inmates Particularly problematic is a chronology which establishes the decades around as the period which experienced the gradual replacement of dehumanizing corporal punishments, including the philosophies and the strategies behind these punishments, with the rise of confinement.
Some of the studies stress that confinement was a common practice long before and that the practice and the philosophy of corporal punishment lasted far into the twentieth century. But German police history is not restricted to this specific topic A recent bibliography of book publications monographs and edited volumes comes close to two hundred titles, and this excludes the massive number of published studies on East German state security. In addition to the quantity, a number of qualitative aspects characterize this branch of crime and criminal justice history.
Similar to approaches in other areas, police history has moved away from its early focus on top-down perspectives to address the functioning of the police. The emphasis here is on police interaction with the public, even on what might be termed as the dependence of the police on the public so as to establish what the police themselves considered to be efficient policing. This aspect has been stressed in a number of studies on the relations between the Gestapo and the German population during the Nazi period. Research on policing in the communist German Democratic Republic has also pointed to cooperative interaction between the police and the public.
Another qualitative aspect is the involvement of members of the police institution in police history. Up until police history written by police existed largely as a kind of apologetic self defense, especially with reference to the role of the police during the Nazi period. Since the s, however, a number of German police administrations have engaged in projects that have included the involvement of university-trained historians.
These examinations have now been extended to the most important federal police administration in Germany, the Bundeskriminalamt. The latter has launched a project to explore its history from the s to the s. The focus is on the legacies of the Nazi period, and on what the continuities of personnel, crime control and prevention strategies meant for the work of the Bundeskriminalamt during these decades There is one remarkable study by Siemann that explored the beginnings of political policing during the first half of the nineteenth century Siemann scrutinized the archival material of the various German states and of the German Federation from until the founding of the Second Reich in He painstakingly reconstructed the phases and forms of the making of a modern political police in the German states.
In his view, this small circle of men became an extralegal institution. The dynamics of their task only too easily placed their discretionary police powers beyond any limits. Interestingly enough, the Prussian authorities explicitly named this network of police officials as their model when they set out to crush the Social Democratic Party and to found a new a political police in The understanding of the police in this work was considerably influenced by an understanding of the Kaiserreich as a fragile coalition between traditional elites the military, the landed nobility, the state bureaucracy and sectors of the new bourgeois elites, mainly the industrial entrepreneurs.
In this book about the shaping of the state monopoly of power in Prussia between and , Funk seeks to relate the organizational development of the police, including its everyday practices, to the structures of the contemporary Prussian political system.